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Pauline Lipman Mixed Income Schools And Housing Policy In Chicago Pdf

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Encouraging neighbourhood social mix has been a major goal of urban policy and planning in a number of different countries.

The Ohio State University. Register Here. Please contact Sandy Reed reed. Pauline Lipman. Organizing against racism and education privatization.

Contending with school reform

All eyes smiled on Texas as those measures quickly became part of No Child Left Behind, passed into law in by both political parties.

Secretary of Education, this phenomenon may repeat itself. Other school districts across the U. The headline for a Dec. Of course, he brought to the job his own strengths and weaknesses, and undoubtedly his own perspectives. We recognize that his administration has responded to some initiatives that have emerged from the community and been organized by grassroots organizations. These include, for example, support for the state-funded Grow Your Own Teachers program, designed to recruit community members to be credentialed in order to teach in local schools and a program to help 8th graders make a smoother transition to high school.

However, the larger agenda has been corporate and privatizing. The impact of those policies includes thousands of children displaced by school closings, spiked violence as they transferred to other schools, and the deterioration of public education in many neighborhoods into a crisis situation. So it is important to describe the agenda in which Duncan is complicit. Two powerful, interconnected forces drive education policy in the city: 1 Mayor Daley, who was given official authority over CPS by the Illinois State Legislature in and who appoints the CEO and the Board of Education, and 2 powerful financial and corporate interests, particularly the Civic Committee of the Commercial Club of Chicago whose reports and direct intervention shape current policy.

Quality schools and attractive housing are essential to draw high-paid, creative workers for business and finance. Schools are also anchors in gentrifying communities and signals to investors of the market potential of new development sites.

As in other U. Although not the architect, Duncan has shown himself to be the central messenger, manager, and staunch defender of corporate involvement in, and privatization of, public schools, closing schools in low-income neighborhoods of color with little community input, limiting local democratic control, undermining the teachers union, and promoting competitive merit pay for teachers. According to the CPS website, the slightly over , students attend around schools including 56 charter campuses , and are The student body is 85 percent low-income.

The almost 25, teachers are The myth is that Chicago has created a new, innovative way to improve education — Renaissance The heroes in this myth are Mayor Daley, who introduced Renaissance in June at a Commercial Club event, and Arne Duncan, who oversaw its implementation and was its chief spokesperson.

Renaissance was touted as the future of education in Chicago, with a plan to close 60 schools and open new, state-of-the-art, 21st-century schools.

These schools would be either small, charter, or contract schools. Renaissance was and is marketed as an opportunity to bring in new partners with creative approaches to education. There is a completely different reality on the ground.

The first phase of Renaissance was called the Mid-South Plan, announced in The Mid-South Plan was designed to close 20 of its 22 schools, almost entirely African American, over a four-year period, replacing them with Renaissance schools. Children have been treated as cattle, shuffled around from school to school. One Mid-South school, Doolittle East, received over students from June to September without additional resources to facilitate this change.

This resulted in spiked violence. On the west side, the closing of Austin High School another African American school resulted in over students who used to walk to school having to leave their community to go to Roberto Clemente High School, a primarily Latino school over five miles away.

The results were spiked violence. As usual, Duncan and CPS ignored community wisdom, and the results at all of these schools were destabilizing spikes in student violence. Arne Duncan has overseen the beginning destruction of neighborhood schools with neighborhood students. Schools are no longer community pillars because many students no longer live in the area.

For example, not all new schools are the same grade level as the old schools. There are complicated applications and deadlines, limits on enrollment, requirements of families, and informal selection processes that may disadvantage some students. Families with multiple children who used to attend one school have had to scramble as schools close and their children are split up.

Young children who walked to their neighborhood school have had to leave their community and cross heavily trafficked streets.

Tenured teachers who are released are reassigned for 10 months as negotiated in the union contract. During this time, they receive their salary and benefits, sub some days of the week, and look for a position on other days. In a democratic society, instruments of engagement allow citizen voice in decision-making processes. With support, LSCs have demonstrated that they are effective models of local school decision-making. A Designs for Change study of of the most successful neighborhood schools in Chicago serving primarily low-income students listed effective LSCs as a key reason for success.

Parents and community members across the city made alliances and worked with school reformers to fight for local school councils, which the state legislature created when they passed the Chicago School Reform Act. In many instances, the LSC at a school targeted for closure played a major role in the resistance to the school being closed. Consider this: Chicago has almost 7, LSC members. If they were organized, they would be a major force in the struggle for equity in education.

However, over the years, literally thousands of LSC members have complained about that training. CPS provides no information on the general history of Chicago school reform, nor specifically how LSCs came into being as we explain above. CPS also does not provide any specific training to students on LSCs each high school has one student member. In response, a number of community organizations have done their own, independent LSC training for years.

This leaves LSCs operating at a structural deficit — set up to fail. In a democracy there must be opportunities to impact decision-making. CPS has refined sham hearings to a twisted art form. When schools are slated to close, CPS is supposed to hold public hearings which Duncan never attended so that a hearing officer and board members who almost never attend can engage the school community and listen to their rationale as to why the school should not be closed, or other alternatives should be explored.

In virtually every case, parents, students, teachers, and community pour out their hearts. In many cases, they document how their school has been drastically underserved by CPS or that their school has consistently improved. To justify Renaissance , Duncan has been a strong proponent of school choice — including military schools. He was quoted in the Nov. I love the sense of leadership. I love the sense of discipline. The military high schools teach military history and have military-style discipline.

Students wear military uniforms, do military drills, and participate in summer boot camps. In a city where barely 50 percent of entering high school students graduate Swanson, , and in a country involved in two wars, the option of military service tempts many, especially in a period of economic crisis. In the turn-around model, everyone is removed from their position, from principal to custodial workers. Accountability measures drastically increase pressure to do well on standardized tests.

Two thirds of the 76 Renaissance schools are charter or contract schools. Not only do charter schools since need only 50 percent certified teachers, but their teachers cannot be part of the Chicago Teachers Union CTU bargaining unit of 32, members. As one might expect, the union opposes Renaissance Contract school teachers can join the CTU — but only if their administration permits it.

At a January 10, , public forum on school closings attended by people, veteran and award-winning teachers testified that they had lost their jobs through school closings and had not been rehired.

As it is, charter schools pay thousands of dollars less, on average, for teachers with equal longevity, and many new schools substitute younger, less-expensive teachers for veteran, experienced union members. Since Duncan was an eloquent proponent of all these in Chicago, we should assume that he would continue to be so — unless other voices make themselves heard.

Every time CPS proposes closing a neighborhood school, Chicago parents, teachers, and students organize, resist, and fight hard. Across the city, for the past several years, at every so-called hearing CPS has organized, the community turns out to fight — not for school choice and Renaissance schools, but for quality schools with qualified, conscious, caring teachers and adequate resources, in the existing school buildings in their neighborhood.

But we have also seen the school closings shift to other parts of the city, some of which are less organized. This speaks to how we understand our current tasks. We know that we have to continue to be involved in local educational issues while demanding that our communities be paid the education debt they are owed. And with the Obama administration, we should open the window of opportunity to demand that education be a top-tier issue in the U.

But we also understand two other key points. First, while we fight hard against educational privatization as well as displacement, we have to collectively develop a positive alternative, a strong and unifying vision of what education should be and a program that makes it real.

We have to work for, and rally people around, what they themselves have repeatedly expressed — quality schools in every neighborhood that any resident can attend, adequate and equitable funding, qualified and caring teachers, genuine opportunity for parent input and decision-making, smaller class sizes, multiple and authentic assessments, and socially just and culturally relevant curriculum that prepares students to take their rightful place as makers of history and actors in the world.

A critical means to this end is a community-based, democratic process of school improvement. Second, it will take a social movement to push this agenda, no matter who is in the White House and Office of Secretary of Education. Our experiences and observations tell us that genuine partnerships between educators and engaged communities, and links between community wisdom and academic knowledge, can contribute to this social movement. This is needed not only to defend but also to transform public education in the real interests of all students, families, and their communities.

Designs for Change The big picture: School-initiated reforms, centrally initiated reforms, and elementary school achievement in Chicago to Chicago: Author. Swanson, C. Cities in crisis: A special analytic report on high school graduation. Jitu, Rico, and Pauline are all involved in studying education in Chicago and in grassroots education struggles with youth, families, community members, teachers, and administrators.

The analysis that we develop in this article is based on our shared knowledge and experiences. Our collaboration over the past five years, based on mutual respect and learning, solidarity, and shared political understandings, redefines traditional relationships between academics and community organizers. We believe that these kinds of principled relationships across boundaries are part of what is needed to win the fight for education justice.

Eric Rico Gutstein gutsteinrico earthlink. Rico also teaches high school math. He can be reached at Purchase PDF of this Article.

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Urban education and its contexts have changed in powerful ways. Old paradigms are being eclipsed by global forces of privatization and markets and new articulations of race, class, and urban space. These factors and more set the stage for Pauline Lipman's insightful analysis of the relationship between education policy and the neoliberal economic, political, and ideological processes that are reshaping cities in the United States and around the globe. Using Chicago as a case study of the interconnectedness of neoliberal urban policies on housing, economic development, race, and education, Lipman explores larger implications for equity, justice, and "the right to the city". She draws on scholarship in critical geography, urban sociology and anthropology, education policy, and critical analyses of race.

All eyes smiled on Texas as those measures quickly became part of No Child Left Behind, passed into law in by both political parties. Secretary of Education, this phenomenon may repeat itself. Other school districts across the U. The headline for a Dec. Of course, he brought to the job his own strengths and weaknesses, and undoubtedly his own perspectives.

Official websites use. Share sensitive information only on official, secure websites. The Ability Center of Greater Toledo v. Moline Builders, Inc. On August 10, , the court issued an order granting partial summary judgment in favor of the plaintiffs and against the defendants in Ability Center, et al. Moline Builders, et al.


Pauline Lipman. University of Illinois-Chicago. In this article, I examine the contested and racially coded cultural politics of creating mixed income schools in​.


Mixed Communities: Gentrification By Stealth?

Youth Activism in Chile: from urban educational inequalities to experiences of living together and solidarity 1. This article examines the geographies of youth political activism in Chile. It makes the argument that a historical spatial identity of public education, as the engine of working-class and middle-class mobility, intersecting both with contexts of social mixing and with a historical urban educational inequality, provides a different lens through which to understand youth activism. This article seeks to analyse the linkages between these spatialities of public education and different geographies of youth activism as spaces of living together and as practices of solidarity.

This article presents a study of state-imposed neoliberal education reform and resistance in post-Katrina New Orleans. The article concludes by considering how the neoliberal policies implemented after the storm were conditioned by race, arguing that racial politics should be considered fundamental, rather than adjacent, to the study of neoliberalization in US cities. If your parent had an emergency, would you want a certified doctor to operate on your parent, or a plumber with six weeks of training? The article concludes by considering the relationship between race and neoliberalization, arguing that neoliberal education reform in post-Katrina New Orleans not only has disproportionate racial implications but is, in itself, a project whose lack of popular legitimacy stems from a combination of the democratic deficits inherent in neoliberalization and, as I will show, the racialized emphasis on dispossession that has characterized post-Katrina rebuilding. The months that followed were defined by urban-governance strategies that emphasized market-oriented rebuilding, outsourcing and restructuring of public provisions like education, disaster relief, and rebuilding funds distribution , selective labor-market reforms, expanded crime control, and rebuilding plans intended to radically alter the built environment and demographic makeup of New Orleans Johnson

As investment flooded into the neighborhood, its schools paradoxically declined, losing students and resources. As longtime resident families were displaced from gentrification pressures, newer white, middle-class residents utilized the school choice program to opt-out of sending their kids to the neighborhood schools. Facing declining community support, inner Northeast schools were targeted for closure or redesign. To think that we can revitalize and change the collective perception of North Alberta Street, North Mississippi Avenue and Unthank Park — all of which surround the Jefferson [High School] community, with many white visitors, patrons and supporters — and not give the only high school that sits in the middle of the community the same chance to come back would be about as racist as it gets. Hopson,

The system can't perform the operation now.

Gary Bridge, Tim Butler, and Loretta Lees

По своей природе математики-криптографы - неисправимые трудоголики, поэтому существовало неписаное правило, что по субботам они отдыхают, если только не случается нечто непредвиденное. Взломщики шифров были самым ценным достоянием АНБ, и никто не хотел, чтобы они сгорали на работе. Сьюзан посмотрела на корпус ТРАНСТЕКСТА, видневшийся справа. Шум генераторов, расположенных восемью этажами ниже, звучал сегодня в ее ушах необычайно зловеще. Сьюзан не любила бывать в шифровалке в неурочные часы, поскольку в таких случаях неизменно чувствовала себя запертой в клетке с гигантским зверем из научно-фантастического романа. Она ускорила шаги, чтобы побыстрее оказаться в кабинете шефа.

Метрах в пятистах сзади в снопе искр на шоссе выкатило такси. Набирая скорость, оно столкнуло в сторону Пежо-504, отбросив его на газон разделительной полосы. Беккер миновал указатель Центр Севильи - 2 км. Если бы ему удалось затеряться в центральной части города, у него был бы шанс спастись. Спидометр показывал 60 миль в час. До поворота еще минуты две.

Housing Cases Summary Page

На каждой руке всего по три пальца, скрюченных, искривленных. Но Беккера интересовало отнюдь не это уродство. - Боже ты мой, - пробормотал лейтенант из другого конца комнаты.

Обычно же открытый текст поступал на принтер Стратмора за считанные минуты. Она взглянула на скоростное печатное устройство позади письменного стола шефа. В нем ничего не .

 Три, - прошептала она, словно оглушенная. - Три! - раздался крик Дэвида из Испании. Но в общем хаосе их никто, похоже, не слышал.

Панк сплюнул в проход, явно раздраженный невежеством собеседника. - Табу Иуда. Самый великий панк со времен Злого Сида.

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 - Положите на место. Офицер еще какое-то время разглядывал паспорт, потом положил его поверх вороха одежды. - У этого парня была виза третьего класса.

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